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نشريه اجتماعي-اقتصادي

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خطوط اقتصادي-سياسي امريکا براي منطقه چيست؟

سرمايه گذاري هاي کلان در مصر و تونس براي ساختن مدل امريکايي اقتصاد در اوج بحران اقتصادي غرب

Remarks by the Pre sident on the Middle East and North Africa

State Department, Washington, DC

THE PRESIDENT: Thank y ou. Thank y ou. (Applause.) Thank y ou v ery much. Thank y ou. Please, hav e a

seat. Thank y ou v ery much. I want to begin by thanking Hillary Clinton, who has trav eled so much these

last six months that she is approaching a new landmark -- one million f requent f ly er miles. (Laughter.) I

count on Hillary ev ery single day , and I believ e that she will go down as one of the f inest Secretaries of

State in our nations history .

The State Department is a f itting v enue to mark a new chapter in American diplomacy . For six months, we

hav e witnessed an extraordinary change taking place in the Middle East and North Af rica. Square by square,

town by town, country by country , the people hav e risen up to demand their basic human rights. Two leaders

hav e stepped aside. More may f ollow. And though these countries may be a great distance f rom our shores,

we know that our own f uture is bound to this region by the f orces of economics and security , by history and

by f aith.

Today , I want to talk about this change -- the f orces that are driv ing it and how we can respond in a way that

adv ances our v alues and strengthens our security .

Now, already , wev e done much to shif t our f oreign policy f ollowing a decade def ined by two costly

conf licts. Af ter y ears of war in Iraq, wev e remov ed 100,000 American troops and ended our combat mission

there. In Af ghanistan, wev e broken the Talibans momentum, and this July we will begin to bring our troops

home and continue a transition to Af ghan lead. And af ter y ears of war against al Qaeda and its af f iliates, we

hav e dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader, Osama bin Laden.

Bin Laden was no marty r. He was a mass murderer who of f ered a message of hate - an insistence that

Muslims had to take up arms against the West, and that v iolence against men, women and children was the

only path to change. He rejected democracy and indiv idual rights f or Muslims in f av or of v iolent extremism;

his agenda f ocused on what he could destroy - not what he could build.

Bin Laden and his murderous v ision won some adherents. But ev en bef ore his death, al Qaeda was losing its

struggle f or relev ance, as the ov erwhelming majority of people saw that the slaughter of innocents did not

answer their cries f or a better lif e. By the time we f ound bin Laden, al Qaedas agenda had come to be seen

by the v ast majority of the region as a dead end, and the people of the Middle East and North Af rica had

taken their f uture into their own hands.

That story of self -determination began six months ago in Tunisia. On December 17th, a y oung v endor named

Mohammed Bouazizi was dev astated when a police of f icer conf iscated his cart. This was not unique. Its the

same kind of humiliation that takes place ev ery day in many parts of the world - the relentless ty ranny of

gov ernments that deny their citizens dignity . Only this time, something dif f erent happened. Af ter local

of f icials ref used to hear his complaints, this y oung man, who had nev er been particularly activ e in politics,

went to the headquarters of the prov incial gov ernment, doused himself in f uel, and lit himself on f ire.

There are times in the course of history when the actions of ordinary citizens spark mov ements f or change

because they speak to a longing f or f reedom that has been building up f or y ears. In America, think of the

def iance of those patriots in Boston who ref used to pay taxes to a King, or the dignity of Rosa Parks as she

sat courageously in her seat. So it was in Tunisia, as that v endors act of desperation tapped into the

f rustration f elt throughout the country . Hundreds of protesters took to the streets, then thousands. And in

the f ace of batons and sometimes bullets, they ref used to go home - day af ter day , week af ter week -- until

a dictator of more than two decades f inally lef t power.

The story of this rev olution, and the ones that f ollowed, should not hav e come as a surprise. The nations of

the Middle East and North Af rica won their independence long ago, but in too many places their people did

not. In too many countries, power has been concentrated in the hands of a f ew. In too many countries, a

citizen like that y oung v endor had nowhere to turn - no honest judiciary to hear his case; no independent

media to giv e him v oice; no credible political party to represent his v iews; no f ree and f air election where he

could choose his leader.

And this lack of self -determination - the chance to make y our lif e what y ou will - has applied to the regions

economy as well. Yes, some nations are blessed with wealth in oil and gas, and that has led to pockets of

prosperity . But in a global economy based on knowledge, based on innov ation, no dev elopment strategy can

be based solely upon what comes out of the ground. Nor can people reach their potential when y ou cannot

start a business without pay ing a bribe.

In the f ace of these challenges, too many leaders in the region tried to direct their peoples griev ances

elsewhere. The West was blamed as the source of all ills, a half -century af ter the end of colonialism.

Antagonism toward Israel became the only acceptable outlet f or political expression. Div isions of tribe,

ethnicity and religious sect were manipulated as a means of holding on to power, or taking it away f rom

somebody else.

could choose his leader.

And this lack of self -determination - the chance to make y our lif e what y ou will - has applied to the regions

economy as well. Yes, some nations are blessed with wealth in oil and gas, and that has led to pockets of

prosperity . But in a global economy based on knowledge, based on innov ation, no dev elopment strategy can

be based solely upon what comes out of the ground. Nor can people reach their potential when y ou cannot

start a business without pay ing a bribe.

In the f ace of these challenges, too many leaders in the region tried to direct their peoples griev ances

elsewhere. The West was blamed as the source of all ills, a half -century af ter the end of colonialism.

Antagonism toward Israel became the only acceptable outlet f or political expression. Div isions of tribe,

ethnicity and religious sect were manipulated as a means of holding on to power, or taking it away f rom

somebody else.

But the ev ents of the past six months show us that strategies of repression and strategies of div ersion will

not work any more. Satellite telev ision and the Internet prov ide a window into the wider world - a world of

astonishing progress in places like India and Indonesia and Brazil. Cell phones and social networks allow

y oung people to connect and organize like nev er bef ore. And so a new generation has emerged. And their

v oices tell us that change cannot be denied.

In Cairo, we heard the v oice of the y oung mother who said, Its like I can f inally breathe f resh air f or the f irst

time.

In Sanaa, we heard the students who chanted, The night must come to an end.

In Benghazi, we heard the engineer who said, Our words are f ree now. Its a f eeling y ou cant explain.

In Damascus, we heard the y oung man who said, Af ter the f irst y elling, the f irst shout, y ou f eel dignity .

Those shouts of human dignity are being heard across the region. And through the moral f orce of

nonv iolence, the people of the region hav e achiev ed more change in six months than terrorists hav e

accomplished in decades.

Of course, change of this magnitude does not come easily . In our day and age - a time of 24-hour news

cy cles and constant communication - people expect the transf ormation of the region to be resolv ed in a

matter of weeks. But it will be y ears bef ore this story reaches its end. Along the way , there will be good

day s and there will bad day s. In some places, change will be swif t; in others, gradual. And as wev e already

seen, calls f or change may giv e way , in some cases, to f ierce contests f or power.

The question bef ore us is what role America will play as this story unf olds. For decades, the United States

has pursued a set of core interests in the region: countering terrorism and stopping the spread of nuclear

weapons; securing the f ree f low of commerce and saf e-guarding the security of the region; standing up f or

Israels security and pursuing Arab-Israeli peace.

We will continue to do these things, with the f irm belief that Americas interests are not hostile to peoples

hopes; they re essential to them. We believ e that no one benef its f rom a nuclear arms race in the region, or

al Qaedas brutal attacks. We believ e people ev ery where would see their economies crippled by a cut-of f in

energy supplies. As we did in the Gulf War, we will not tolerate aggression across borders, and we will keep

our commitments to f riends and partners.

Yet we must acknowledge that a strategy based solely upon the narrow pursuit of these interests will not f ill

an empty stomach or allow someone to speak their mind. Moreov er, f ailure to speak to the broader

aspirations of ordinary people will only f eed the suspicion that has f estered f or y ears that the United States

pursues our interests at their expense. Giv en that this mistrust runs both way s - as Americans hav e been

seared by hostage-taking and v iolent rhetoric and terrorist attacks that hav e killed thousands of our citizens

- a f ailure to change our approach threatens a deepening spiral of div ision between the United States and the

Arab world.

And thats why , two y ears ago in Cairo, I began to broaden our engagement based upon mutual interests and

mutual respect. I believ ed then - and I believ e now - that we hav e a stake not just in the stability of

nations, but in the self -determination of indiv iduals. The status quo is not sustainable. Societies held

together by f ear and repression may of f er the illusion of stability f or a time, but they are built upon f ault lines

that will ev entually tear asunder.

So we f ace a historic opportunity . We hav e the chance to show that America v alues the dignity of the street

v endor in Tunisia more than the raw power of the dictator. There must be no doubt that the United States of

America welcomes change that adv ances self -determination and opportunity . Yes, there will be perils that

accompany this moment of promise. But af ter decades of accepting the world as it is in the region, we hav e

a chance to pursue the world as it should be.

Of course, as we do, we must proceed with a sense of humility . Its not America that put people into the

streets of Tunis or Cairo - it was the people themselv es who launched these mov ements, and its the people

themselv es that must ultimately determine their outcome.

Not ev ery country will f ollow our particular f orm of representativ e democracy , and there will be times when

our short-term interests dont align perf ectly with our long-term v ision f or the region. But we can, and we will,

speak out f or a set of core principles - principles that hav e guided our response to the ev ents ov er the past

six months:

The United States opposes the use of v iolence and repression against the people of the region. (Applause.)

The United States supports a set of univ ersal rights. And these rights include f ree speech, the f reedom of

peacef ul assembly , the f reedom of religion, equality f or men and women under the rule of law, and the right

Remarks by the President on the Middle East and North A... http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-

Of course, as we do, we must proceed with a sense of humility . Its not America that put people into the

streets of Tunis or Cairo - it was the people themselv es who launched these mov ements, and its the people

themselv es that must ultimately determine their outcome.

Not ev ery country will f ollow our particular f orm of representativ e democracy , and there will be times when

our short-term interests dont align perf ectly with our long-term v ision f or the region. But we can, and we will,

speak out f or a set of core principles - principles that hav e guided our response to the ev ents ov er the past

six months:

The United States opposes the use of v iolence and repression against the people of the region. (Applause.)

The United States supports a set of univ ersal rights. And these rights include f ree speech, the f reedom of

peacef ul assembly , the f reedom of religion, equality f or men and women under the rule of law, and the right

to choose y our own leaders - whether y ou liv e in Baghdad or Damascus, Sanaa or Tehran.

And we support political and economic ref orm in the Middle East and North Af rica that can meet the legitimate

aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region.

Our support f or these principles is not a secondary interest. Today I want to make it clear that it is a top

priority that must be translated into concrete actions, and supported by all of the diplomatic, economic and

strategic tools at our disposal.

Let me be specif ic. First, it will be the policy of the United States to promote ref orm across the region, and

to support transitions to democracy . That ef f ort begins in Egy pt and Tunisia, where the stakes are high - as

Tunisia was at the v anguard of this democratic wav e, and Egy pt is both a longstanding partner and the Arab

worlds largest nation. Both nations can set a strong example through f ree and f air elections, a v ibrant civ il

society , accountable and ef f ectiv e democratic institutions, and responsible regional leadership. But our

support must also extend to nations where transitions hav e y et to take place.

Unf ortunately , in too many countries, calls f or change hav e thus f ar been answered by v iolence. The most

extreme example is Liby a, where Muammar Qaddaf i launched a war against his own people, promising to hunt

them down like rats. As I said when the United States joined an international coalition to interv ene, we cannot

prev ent ev ery injustice perpetrated by a regime against its people, and we hav e learned f rom our experience

in Iraq just how costly and dif f icult it is to try to impose regime change by f orce - no matter how

well-intentioned it may be.

But in Liby a, we saw the prospect of imminent massacre, we had a mandate f or action, and heard the Liby an

peoples call f or help. Had we not acted along with our NATO allies and regional coalition partners, thousands

would hav e been killed. The message would hav e been clear: Keep power by killing as many people as it

takes. Now, time is working against Qaddaf i. He does not hav e control ov er his country . The opposition has

organized a legitimate and credible Interim Council. And when Qaddaf i inev itably leav es or is f orced f rom

power, decades of prov ocation will come to an end, and the transition to a democratic Liby a can proceed.

While Liby a has f aced v iolence on the greatest scale, its not the only place where leaders hav e turned to

repression to remain in power. Most recently , the Sy rian regime has chosen the path of murder and the mass

arrests of its citizens. The United States has condemned these actions, and working with the international

community we hav e stepped up our sanctions on the Sy rian regime - including sanctions announced

y esterday on President Assad and those around him.

The Sy rian people hav e shown their courage in demanding a transition to democracy . President Assad now

has a choice: He can lead that transition, or get out of the way . The Sy rian gov ernment must stop shooting

demonstrators and allow peacef ul protests. It must release political prisoners and stop unjust arrests. It

must allow human rights monitors to hav e access to cities like Daraa; and start a serious dialogue to

adv ance a democratic transition. Otherwise, President Assad and his regime will continue to be challenged

f rom within and will continue to be isolated abroad.

So f ar, Sy ria has f ollowed its Iranian ally , seeking assistance f rom Tehran in the tactics of suppression. And

this speaks to the hy pocrisy of the Iranian regime, which say s it stand f or the rights of protesters abroad,

y et represses its own people at home. Lets remember that the f irst peacef ul protests in the region were in

the streets of Tehran, where the gov ernment brutalized women and men, and threw innocent people into jail.

We still hear the chants echo f rom the roof tops of Tehran. The image of a y oung woman dy ing in the streets

is still seared in our memory . And we will continue to insist that the Iranian people deserv e their univ ersal

rights, and a gov ernment that does not smother their aspirations.

Now, our opposition to Irans intolerance and Irans repressiv e measures, as well as its illicit nuclear program

and its support of terror, is well known. But if America is to be credible, we must acknowledge that at times

our f riends in the region hav e not all reacted to the demands f or consistent change -- with change thats

consistent with the principles that Iv e outlined today . Thats true in Yemen, where President Saleh needs to

f ollow through on his commitment to transf er power. And thats true today in Bahrain.

Bahrain is a longstanding partner, and we are committed to its security . We recognize that Iran has tried to

take adv antage of the turmoil there, and that the Bahraini gov ernment has a legitimate interest in the rule of

law.

Nev ertheless, we hav e insisted both publicly and priv ately that mass arrests and brute f orce are at odds with

the univ ersal rights of Bahrains citizens, and we will -- and such steps will not make legitimate calls f or ref orm

go away . The only way f orward is f or the gov ernment and opposition to engage in a dialogue, and y ou cant

hav e a real dialogue when parts of the peacef ul opposition are in jail. (Applause.) The gov ernment must

create the conditions f or dialogue, and the opposition must participate to f orge a just f uture f or all Bahrainis.

Indeed, one of the broader lessons to be drawn f rom this period is that sectarian div ides need not lead to

conf lict. In Iraq, we see the promise of a multiethnic, multisectarian democracy . The Iraqi people hav e

rejected the perils of political v iolence in f av or of a democratic process, ev en as they v e taken f ull

take adv antage of the turmoil there, and that the Bahraini gov ernment has a legitimate interest in the rule of

law.

Nev ertheless, we hav e insisted both publicly and priv ately that mass arrests and brute f orce are at odds with

the univ ersal rights of Bahrains citizens, and we will -- and such steps will not make legitimate calls f or ref orm

go away . The only way f orward is f or the gov ernment and opposition to engage in a dialogue, and y ou cant

hav e a real dialogue when parts of the peacef ul opposition are in jail. (Applause.) The gov ernment must

create the conditions f or dialogue, and the opposition must participate to f orge a just f uture f or all Bahrainis.

Indeed, one of the broader lessons to be drawn f rom this period is that sectarian div ides need not lead to

conf lict. In Iraq, we see the promise of a multiethnic, multisectarian democracy . The Iraqi people hav e

rejected the perils of political v iolence in f av or of a democratic process, ev en as they v e taken f ull

responsibility f or their own security . Of course, like all new democracies, they will f ace setbacks. But Iraq is

poised to play a key role in the region if it continues its peacef ul progress. And as they do, we will be proud

to stand with them as a steadf ast partner.

So in the months ahead, America must use all our inf luence to encourage ref orm in the region. Ev en as we

acknowledge that each country is dif f erent, we need to speak honestly about the principles that we believ e in,

with f riend and f oe alike. Our message is simple: If y ou take the risks that ref orm entails, y ou will hav e the

f ull support of the United States.

We must also build on our ef f orts to broaden our engagement bey ond elites, so that we reach the people who

will shape the f uture - particularly y oung people. We will continue to make good on the commitments that I

made in Cairo - to build networks of entrepreneurs and expand exchanges in education, to f oster cooperation

in science and technology , and combat disease. Across the region, we intend to prov ide assistance to civ il

society , including those that may not be of f icially sanctioned, and who speak uncomf ortable truths. And we

will use the technology to connect with - and listen to - the v oices of the people.

For the f act is, real ref orm does not come at the ballot box alone. Through our ef f orts we must support those

basic rights to speak y our mind and access inf ormation. We will support open access to the Internet, and the

right of journalists to be heard - whether its a big news organization or a lone blogger. In the 21st century ,

inf ormation is power, the truth cannot be hidden, and the legitimacy of gov ernments will ultimately depend on

activ e and inf ormed citizens.

Such open discourse is important ev en if what is said does not square with our worldv iew. Let me be clear,

America respects the right of all peacef ul and law-abiding v oices to be heard, ev en if we disagree with them.

And sometimes we prof oundly disagree with them.

We look f orward to working with all who embrace genuine and inclusiv e democracy . What we will oppose is an

attempt by any group to restrict the rights of others, and to hold power through coercion and not consent.

Because democracy depends not only on elections, but also strong and accountable institutions, and the

respect f or the rights of minorities.

Such tolerance is particularly important when it comes to religion. In Tahrir Square, we heard Egy ptians f rom

all walks of lif e chant, Muslims, Christians, we are one. America will work to see that this spirit prev ails -

that all f aiths are respected, and that bridges are built among them. In a region that was the birthplace of

three world religions, intolerance can lead only to suf f ering and stagnation. And f or this season of change to

succeed, Coptic Christians must hav e the right to worship f reely in Cairo, just as Shia must nev er hav e their

mosques destroy ed in Bahrain.

What is true f or religious minorities is also true when it comes to the rights of women. History shows that

countries are more prosperous and more peacef ul when women are empowered. And thats why we will

continue to insist that univ ersal rights apply to women as well as men - by f ocusing assistance on child and

maternal health; by helping women to teach, or start a business; by standing up f or the right of women to

hav e their v oices heard, and to run f or of f ice. The region will nev er reach its f ull potential when more than

half of its population is prev ented f rom achiev ing their f ull potential. (Applause.)

Now, ev en as we promote political ref orm, ev en as we promote human rights in the region, our ef f orts cant

stop there. So the second way that we must support positiv e change in the region is through our ef f orts to

adv ance economic dev elopment f or nations that are transitioning to democracy .

Af ter all, politics alone has not put protesters into the streets. The tipping point f or so many people is the

more constant concern of putting f ood on the table and prov iding f or a f amily . Too many people in the region

wake up with f ew expectations other than making it through the day , perhaps hoping that their luck will

change. Throughout the region, many y oung people hav e a solid education, but closed economies leav e

them unable to f ind a job. Entrepreneurs are brimming with ideas, but corruption leav es them unable to prof it

f rom those ideas.

The greatest untapped resource in the Middle East and North Af rica is the talent of its people. In the recent

protests, we see that talent on display , as people harness technology to mov e the world. Its no coincidence

that one of the leaders of Tahrir Square was an executiv e f or Google. That energy now needs to be

channeled, in country af ter country , so that economic growth can solidif y the accomplishments of the street.

For just as democratic rev olutions can be triggered by a lack of indiv idual opportunity , successf ul democratic

transitions depend upon an expansion of growth and broad-based prosperity .

So, drawing f rom what wev e learned around the world, we think its important to f ocus on trade, not just aid;

on inv estment, not just assistance. The goal must be a model in which protectionism giv es way to openness,

the reigns of commerce pass f rom the f ew to the many , and the economy generates jobs f or the y oung.

Americas support f or democracy will theref ore be based on ensuring f inancial stability , promoting ref orm, and

integrating competitiv e markets with each other and the global economy . And were going to start with Tunisia

and Egy pt.

Remarks by the President on the Middle East and North A... http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-

that one of the leaders of Tahrir Square was an executiv e f or Google. That energy now needs to be

channeled, in country af ter country , so that economic growth can solidif y the accomplishments of the street.

For just as democratic rev olutions can be triggered by a lack of indiv idual opportunity , successf ul democratic

transitions depend upon an expansion of growth and broad-based prosperity .

So, drawing f rom what wev e learned around the world, we think its important to f ocus on trade, not just aid;

on inv estment, not just assistance. The goal must be a model in which protectionism giv es way to openness,

the reigns of commerce pass f rom the f ew to the many , and the economy generates jobs f or the y oung.

Americas support f or democracy will theref ore be based on ensuring f inancial stability , promoting ref orm, and

integrating competitiv e markets with each other and the global economy . And were going to start with Tunisia

and Egy pt.

First, wev e asked the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to present a plan at next weeks G8

summit f or what needs to be done to stabilize and modernize the economies of Tunisia and Egy pt. Together,

we must help them recov er f rom the disruptions of their democratic upheav al, and support the gov ernments

that will be elected later this y ear. And we are urging other countries to help Egy pt and Tunisia meet its

near-term f inancial needs.

Second, we do not want a democratic Egy pt to be saddled by the debts of its past. So we will reliev e a

democratic Egy pt of up to $1 billion in debt, and work with our Egy ptian partners to inv est these resources to

f oster growth and entrepreneurship. We will help Egy pt regain access to markets by guaranteeing $1 billion in

borrowing that is needed to f inance inf rastructure and job creation. And we will help newly democratic

gov ernments recov er assets that were stolen.

Third, were working with Congress to create Enterprise Funds to inv est in Tunisia and Egy pt. And these will

be modeled on f unds that supported the transitions in Eastern Europe af ter the f all of the Berlin Wall. OPIC

will soon launch a $2 billion f acility to support priv ate inv estment across the region. And we will work with the

allies to ref ocus the European Bank f or Reconstruction and Dev elopment so that it prov ides the same

support f or democratic transitions and economic modernization in the Middle East and North Af rica as it has in

Europe.

Fourth, the United States will launch a comprehensiv e Trade and Inv estment Partnership Initiativ e in the

Middle East and North Af rica. If y ou take out oil exports, this entire region of ov er 400 million people exports

roughly the same amount as Switzerland. So we will work with the EU to f acilitate more trade within the

region, build on existing agreements to promote integration with U.S. and European markets, and open the

door f or those countries who adopt high standards of ref orm and trade liberalization to construct a regional

trade arrangement. And just as EU membership serv ed as an incentiv e f or ref orm in Europe, so should the

v ision of a modern and prosperous economy create a powerf ul f orce f or ref orm in the Middle East and North

Af rica.

Prosperity also requires tearing down walls that stand in the way of progress - the corruption of elites who

steal f rom their people; the red tape that stops an idea f rom becoming a business; the patronage that

distributes wealth based on tribe or sect. We will help gov ernments meet international obligations, and inv est

ef f orts at anti-corruption -- by working with parliamentarians who are dev eloping ref orms, and activ ists who

use technology to increase transparency and hold gov ernment accountable. Politics and human rights;

economic ref orm.

Let me conclude by talking about another cornerstone of our approach to the region, and that relates to the

pursuit of peace.

For decades, the conf lict between Israelis and Arabs has cast a shadow ov er the region. For Israelis, it has

meant liv ing with the f ear that their children could be blown up on a bus or by rockets f ired at their homes, as

well as the pain of knowing that other children in the region are taught to hate them. For Palestinians, it has

meant suf f ering the humiliation of occupation, and nev er liv ing in a nation of their own. Moreov er, this

conf lict has come with a larger cost to the Middle East, as it impedes partnerships that could bring greater

security and prosperity and empowerment to ordinary people.

For ov er two y ears, my administration has worked with the parties and the international community to end this

conf lict, building on decades of work by prev ious administrations. Yet expectations hav e gone unmet.

Israeli settlement activ ity continues. Palestinians hav e walked away f rom talks. The world looks at a conf lict

that has grinded on and on and on, and sees nothing but stalemate. Indeed, there are those who argue that

with all the change and uncertainty in the region, it is simply not possible to mov e f orward now.

I disagree. At a time when the people of the Middle East and North Af rica are casting of f the burdens of the

past, the driv e f or a lasting peace that ends the conf lict and resolv es all claims is more urgent than ev er.

Thats certainly true f or the two parties inv olv ed.

For the Palestinians, ef f orts to delegitimize Israel will end in f ailure. Sy mbolic actions to isolate Israel at the

United Nations in September wont create an independent state. Palestinian leaders will not achiev e peace or

prosperity if Hamas insists on a path of terror and rejection. And Palestinians will nev er realize their

independence by deny ing the right of Israel to exist.

As f or Israel, our f riendship is rooted deeply in a shared history and shared v alues. Our commitment to

Israels security is unshakeable. And we will stand against attempts to single it out f or criticism in

international f orums. But precisely because of our f riendship, its important that we tell the truth: The status

quo is unsustainable, and Israel too must act boldly to adv ance a lasting peace.

The f act is, a growing number of Palestinians liv e west of the Jordan Riv er. Technology will make it harder

f or Israel to def end itself . A region undergoing prof ound change will lead to populism in which millions of

people - not just one or two leaders -- must believ e peace is possible. The international community is tired

of an endless process that nev er produces an outcome. The dream of a Jewish and democratic state cannot

be f ulf illed with permanent occupation.

independence by deny ing the right of Israel to exist.

As f or Israel, our f riendship is rooted deeply in a shared history and shared v alues. Our commitment to

Israels security is unshakeable. And we will stand against attempts to single it out f or criticism in

international f orums. But precisely because of our f riendship, its important that we tell the truth: The status

quo is unsustainable, and Israel too must act boldly to adv ance a lasting peace.

The f act is, a growing number of Palestinians liv e west of the Jordan Riv er. Technology will make it harder

f or Israel to def end itself . A region undergoing prof ound change will lead to populism in which millions of

people - not just one or two leaders -- must believ e peace is possible. The international community is tired

of an endless process that nev er produces an outcome. The dream of a Jewish and democratic state cannot

be f ulf illed with permanent occupation.

Now, ultimately , it is up to the Israelis and Palestinians to take action. No peace can be imposed upon them

-- not by the United States; not by any body else. But endless delay wont make the problem go away . What

America and the international community can do is to state f rankly what ev ery one knows -- a lasting peace

will inv olv e two states f or two peoples: Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland f or the Jewish people, and

the state of Palestine as the homeland f or the Palestinian people, each state enjoy ing self -determination,

mutual recognition, and peace.

So while the core issues of the conf lict must be negotiated, the basis of those negotiations is clear: a v iable

Palestine, a secure Israel. The United States believ es that negotiations should result in two states, with

permanent Palestinian borders with Israel, Jordan, and Egy pt, and permanent Israeli borders with Palestine.

We believ e the borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps,

so that secure and recognized borders are established f or both states. The Palestinian people must hav e the

right to gov ern themselv es, and reach their f ull potential, in a sov ereign and contiguous state.

As f or security , ev ery state has the right to self -def ense, and Israel must be able to def end itself - by itself

- against any threat. Prov isions must also be robust enough to prev ent a resurgence of terrorism, to stop

the inf iltration of weapons, and to prov ide ef f ectiv e border security . The f ull and phased withdrawal of Israeli

military f orces should be coordinated with the assumption of Palestinian security responsibility in a sov ereign,

non-militarized state. And the duration of this transition period must be agreed, and the ef f ectiv eness of

security arrangements must be demonstrated.

These principles prov ide a f oundation f or negotiations. Palestinians should know the territorial outlines of their

state; Israelis should know that their basic security concerns will be met. Im aware that these steps alone will

not resolv e the conf lict, because two wrenching and emotional issues will remain: the f uture of Jerusalem,

and the f ate of Palestinian ref ugees. But mov ing f orward now on the basis of territory and security prov ides

a f oundation to resolv e those two issues in a way that is just and f air, and that respects the rights and

aspirations of both Israelis and Palestinians.

Now, let me say this: Recognizing that negotiations need to begin with the issues of territory and security

does not mean that it will be easy to come back to the table. In particular, the recent announcement of an

agreement between Fatah and Hamas raises prof ound and legitimate questions f or Israel: How can one

negotiate with a party that has shown itself unwilling to recognize y our right to exist? And in the weeks and

months to come, Palestinian leaders will hav e to prov ide a credible answer to that question. Meanwhile, the

United States, our Quartet partners, and the Arab states will need to continue ev ery ef f ort to get bey ond the

current impasse.

I recognize how hard this will be. Suspicion and hostility has been passed on f or generations, and at times it

has hardened. But Im conv inced that the majority of Israelis and Palestinians would rather look to the f uture

than be trapped in the past. We see that spirit in the Israeli f ather whose son was killed by Hamas, who

helped start an organization that brought together Israelis and Palestinians who had lost lov ed ones. That

f ather said, I gradually realized that the only hope f or progress was to recognize the f ace of the conf lict.

We see it in the actions of a Palestinian who lost three daughters to Israeli shells in Gaza. I hav e the right to

f eel angry , he said. So many people were expecting me to hate. My answer to them is I shall not hate. Let

us hope, he said, f or tomorrow.

That is the choice that must be made - not simply in the Israeli-Palestinian conf lict, but across the entire

region - a choice between hate and hope; between the shackles of the past and the promise of the f uture.

Its a choice that must be made by leaders and by the people, and its a choice that will def ine the f uture of a

region that serv ed as the cradle of civ ilization and a crucible of strif e.

For all the challenges that lie ahead, we see many reasons to be hopef ul. In Egy pt, we see it in the ef f orts

of y oung people who led protests. In Sy ria, we see it in the courage of those who brav e bullets while

chanting, peacef ul, peacef ul. In Benghazi, a city threatened with destruction, we see it in the courthouse

square where people gather to celebrate the f reedoms that they had nev er known. Across the region, those

rights that we take f or granted are being claimed with joy by those who are pry ing loose the grip of an iron

f ist.

For the American people, the scenes of upheav al in the region may be unsettling, but the f orces driv ing it are

not unf amiliar. Our own nation was f ounded through a rebellion against an empire. Our people f ought a

painf ul Civ il War that extended f reedom and dignity to those who were enslav ed. And I would not be standing

here today unless past generations turned to the moral f orce of nonv iolence as a way to perf ect our union -

organizing, marching, protesting peacef ully together to make real those words that declared our nation: We

hold these truths to be self -ev ident, that all men are created equal.

Those words must guide our response to the change that is transf orming the Middle East and North Af rica -

words which tell us that repression will f ail, and that ty rants will f all, and that ev ery man and woman is

endowed with certain inalienable rights.

It will not be easy . Theres no straight line to progress, and hardship alway s accompanies a season of hope.

But the United States of America was f ounded on the belief that people should gov ern themselv es. And now

not unf amiliar. Our own nation was f ounded through a rebellion against an empire. Our people f ought a

painf ul Civ il War that extended f reedom and dignity to those who were enslav ed. And I would not be standing

here today unless past generations turned to the moral f orce of nonv iolence as a way to perf ect our union -

organizing, marching, protesting peacef ully together to make real those words that declared our nation: We

hold these truths to be self -ev ident, that all men are created equal.

Those words must guide our response to the change that is transf orming the Middle East and North Af rica -

words which tell us that repression will f ail, and that ty rants will f all, and that ev ery man and woman is

endowed with certain inalienable rights.

It will not be easy . Theres no straight line to progress, and hardship alway s accompanies a season of hope.

But the United States of America was f ounded on the belief that people should gov ern themselv es. And now

we cannot hesitate to stand squarely on the side of those who are reaching f or their rights, knowing that their

success will bring about a world that is more peacef ul, more stable, and more just.

Thank y ou v ery much, ev ery body . (Applause.) Thank you.

برگرفته از سايت اوباما

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